1.
Kerala civic
body elections: this time, it does feel different with BJP in the box with Cong
& LDF.
Local body elections in Kerala are due
on 2 November, and as I write this, campaigning is in full swing. Even though
we have had a damp month or two – normally, after Onam, there is bright
sunshine, but this year September and October have been rainy – there is a lot
of energy on the streets. Every corner, it seems, hosts a small election
meeting when I drive home after work, and you have loud, earnest-looking men
(and a few women) proclaiming loudly that their party is the one you must vote
for.
Kerala is obviously highly politicised
and highly polarised. In years past, it has generally alternated between the
Congress and the Marxists in the Assembly elections (which are due shortly),
and it votes contrary to national trends. But the next Assembly election might
be a watershed, and the local body elections will give the best predictions —
this is truly a semi-final, and therefore observers are keenly watching Shashi
Tharoor, MP, who has been busy campaigning for Congress candidates in
Thiruvananthapuram and vicinity, feels his party is going to win in a
landslide. He thinks that the BJP will be a damp squib.
Of course, Tharoor is a good observer
of the political scene and has his ear to the ground. He may well be right. But
the key is in his observation about the BJP. For, after having been an
also-ran, and never having won a single seat in the Kerala Assembly ever, the
BJP is now on the verge of becoming a force to reckon with in Kerala. They
cannot be written off any more.
When the dust settles, it may remain a
duopoly between the Congress’ UDF and the Marxists’ LDF, and these two parties
may well remain the ones in power. But the fact is that the BJP is making both
of them rethink the electoral calculus. And the BJP may or may not be satisfied
with being the swing bloc that decides which of these two alliances forms the
next government. They may ask for their pound of flesh.
Despite much talk about the political
maturity of the Kerala voter, my sense is that the place remains mired in
considerations of religion and jati. It is quite possibly the most communal
part of the country, but people are clever enough to hide it in conversations,
especially with observers. Covert communalism, on the other hand, is
widespread.
It is a peculiar setup, where,
according to the 2011 Census, 54 percent are Hindus, 27 percent Muslims, and 18
percent Christians, although the reality is that a lot of the Hindus are
Communists, and there is over-counting of Hindus due to large-scale
conversions, so the actual Hindu vote is lower. Among the Hindus, there are
several groups: Ezhava (OBC) 20 percent, Nair (FC) 13 percent, Pulaya (SC) 2
percent, and so forth.
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